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The Price of Political Incompetence Featured

The Price of Political Incompetence

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At this moment, America is paying the price of incompetence. The US President, Donald Trump, shifts his position everyday once the truth beams a light on his previous day's ridiculous statements. His truth lasts only for a day, because the reality continually chases him. He has nowhere to hide or run from Covid-19, the worst pandemic of this generation. But America freely elected incompetence.

Trump was chosen to close America against the rest of the world, and provide a safety net for his ardent supporters against immigrants and non-Caucasians. His supporters thought he had the seriousness to restore their glory days, when skin color defined privilege, before Martin Luther King came to blow it all away. Trump promised a return to Egypt and Trump got the job.

The credentials of the "king of bankruptcy" never mattered to his supporters. He relished defaulting on bank loans and other forms of debt, and has failed to release his tax returns for more than five years. His companies have been fined, even under his presidency, for all kinds of violations.

Trump's personal life is not one for a book on morality. Although he has the backing of the Evangelical movement, the so-called Christian right, none could defend the amoral life of their president, who has since been exposed by prostitutes and other women he allegedly sexually abused.

It is hardly strange that the supporters of the American president do not care to this day about his suitability for the job. The US President won, and has survived, on the support and absolute loyalty of those who see him as their messiah; as well as the complex and anachronistic American electoral college system. Hillary Clinton, his opponent, won 2.1% more of the popular vote than Donald Trump in 2016.

In the three years that he has been president, Trump has offended people at home and abroad beyond reason. America has never had a president quite like this. He relishes attacking just about anyone who opposes him while recklessly exposing the American national interest on the slab of personal gain.

It is no wonder he has been impeached, although he could not be removed because of the unswaying support of the Republican-controlled Senate, whose majority is guaranteed in the same way that Trump became president - a bizarre electoral system that gives representation equally regardless of population.

Trump ruled with nauseating pride and offending sensibility, using short texts on Twitter to attack his opponents relentlessly, spending more hours tweeting than working. Though obviously incompetent and limited naturally by a lack of preparation and self-education, he would make up for his deficiencies through the absolute support of his devoted troops and the privileged who benefited under his tax laws.

In truth, America elected an inept candidate to the highest office of the land, not expecting that a history-writing infectious disease such as Covid-19 would come. At the time of America’s greatest challenge in a century, she has found herself in the hands of an incapable leader.

Oh well! The chicken has come home to roost. A political volcano that started with the Republican Party’s presentation of George W. Bush - who took America through 9/11 incompetently - has turned into a tsunami under Trump. At a time of crisis, Mr. Trump has quickly unraveled. And as a result of his lack of understanding of the enormity of a pandemic, thousands of Americans are dying. What he called the "Chinese virus" has now destroyed more Americans than any other nationals.

Being incompetent, the warning by the previous Obama administration about an impending pandemic as was ignored. Meetings held early in 2016 to warn his administration were taken just like a pizza party. Instead, Trump deflated the Federal bureaucracy, claiming America did not need as many federal civil servants. Seeing the lack of seriousness of his administration, career civil servants left in droves for the private sector.

When Coronavirus made a landfall in Wuhan, China in late 2019, a clueless Trump made reckless statements, rather than prepare for war. On January 30, in the early days of the public health crisis, history will have recorded that President Trump said in Michigan that: “We have it very well under control. We have very little problem in this country at this moment — five. And those people are all recuperating successfully.”

Such unguarded statements have continued. It has become so bad that even on television, administration health officials contradict Trump at his daily press conferences. He shifts his position when truth overtakes his assertion. He has become a public spectacle, a shame for the most powerful nation on earth. A pain to his people and an untrusted leader.

That is the price that any nation will pay for electing incompetent politicians to power. The price for America is a massive $6 trillion dollars in spending bill, as unemployment tops three million persons within one week. The price includes school closures, students not graduating, sickness, fear, despair, hopelessness and the death of thousands.

The US Center for Disease Control and Prevention has warned we have not event started yet. Apart from New York, other major cities such as Chicago, New Orleans and Detroit are gearing for the worst, as the US Surgeon General, Jerome Adams, warns that next week would be one of reckoning.

Americans, whether we admit or not, know Donald Trump was never the right guy for the job. He got there for a reason not based on reason and common sense. And a price must be paid for every bad decision.

While nations like Singapore, Sweden, Denmark, South Korea and Japan are rising to the challenge because of competent political leadership, America falters. Electing good leaders is a firewall against disaster.

This is a great lesson for corrupt developing nations such as Nigeria, a lesson that may be too late as well. Various signs of incompetence are showing in the management of the pandemic. Regardless of administration tales, testing for coronavirus has not been going well. As the capacity for testing rises, we will soon find that the infection rate is far more than reported.

The nation should be on a lockdown right now, but it is not. Civil servants are being told to stay at home but all others are roaming. With a dense population, Nigeria is the worst-case scenario. In a CNN interview on March 26, billionaire philanthropist, Bill Gates, said his greatest fears are for Nigeria and India, densely-populated nations with a lack of capacity to deal with an infectious disease of this magnitude.

At least in India, a somewhat serious lockdown has been effective for more than a week. Public transportation has been shut down and people are required to stay at home. In India, citizens have regular electricity and high-speed Internet. Productivity will not suffer an extreme loss. And India does not rely on a single product for its national income, as Nigeria relies on petroleum.

So far, most Covid-19 tests are being administered on the rich, the connected and the powerful in Nigeria. Ordinary people cannot get testing done. But the safety of the influential will not save Nigeria from disaster. The fake sense of safety that Nigerians have may soon be exposed.

A state governor declared a work-from-home order when most people really lack the resources to do that. Another state governor declared a one-day lockdown as if one day will have any effect on a pandemic as consuming as coronavirus. The federal government is still articulating a coherent response, much reliant on the nation’s billionaires for a bailout.

Nigeria may also pay a price for incompetence.

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2019 Has a Resemblance to IBB's 1993 Featured

2019 Has a Resemblance to IBB's 1993

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By 1993, the strain of military rule had become unbearable. Nigerians lived like chicken in a battery cage. They were weary, weakened and battered, having been brutalized and deceived as the children of Israel under Pharaoh. As pressure piled against the military's "hidden agenda" to rule perpetually, the regime of the former military dictator, General Ibrahim Babangida, succumbed to organize a presidential election.

There were surreptitious attempts to derail the election, lasting up to a few hours before the polls. In spite of the shadow cast, when voting started on June 12, 1993, Nigerians conducted themselves in the most civil manner as they optimistically picked between the candidates of only two parties registered, M.K.O. Abiola of the Social Democratic Party and Bashir Tofa of the National Republican Convention.

Hopes that change had come was quickly dashed. Although the elections were held, free and fair, Babangida stopped the release of the results initially, before he later annulled it altogether, throwing Nigerian into a political turmoil that would consume the “Maradona.” Nigeria then went through a political crisis similar to that which is troubling Venezuela at this moment 

As events unfolded, Babangida lost his mojo and was eased out, setting the stage for his associate and predator, General Sani Abacha, to usurp power and run Nigerians through a few years of brutal repression until their prayers were answered when Abacha died suddenly by divine intervention.

Under mysterious circumstances, the man rightfully expected to take the mantle, M.K.O. Abiola, suddenly died while negotiating the terms of his release. From this point, the political stage became toxic for the military. Their game was up. Democracy returned in 1999, albeit power was handed over in an adulterated form to a former army general, Olusegun Obasanjo, under a constitution drawn up by his military friends.

Since 1999, Nigeria has operated a democratic government, holding elections when due and transferring power to whom it is due. The civilian rule has not been perfect, but it has been working. It worked most perfectly when General Mohammadu Buhari became the President through a peaceful transfer of power from President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015. It was the first time in Nigeria’s history that power would move to the opposition through an election. The proud moment of our democratic heritage happened less than four years ago but in a month's time, all of that could unravel.

Various warning signals are blinking before our eyes, indicating that the outcome of the February 16, 2019 election could take Nigeria right back to 1993 - a time when the election produced chaos instead of a president. Those who understand the past cannot fail to draw the similarities between the transitional stratagem of the Buhari administration and the Babangida regime. Developments signify that President Buhari is frantic about handing over power to another political party if he loses.

There are fears that the election may be marred by rigging, intimidation, violence, cronyism and judicial manipulation. Before our eyes, President Buhari is shaking up the administrative structure supporting the electoral process in a manner suggesting he will be the sole beneficiary, by appointing those considered to be loyal to him. A level playing field with the opposition parties is being rolled back as quickly as possible.

One of the signs of trepidation within this administration is the timing of the ouster of the Chief Justice of Nigeria (CJN), Justice Walter Onnoghen. If a public official is caught in an unethical or criminal behavior, he or she should be removed; but only after a fair trial according to due process. Not only has Justice Onnoghen not been given a fair trial, the timing of his removal is suspicious. Could it be that the administration is not comfortable with the likelihood that an unfriendly judge could determine the outcome of the election? Likely so!

Reminiscent of 1993, foreign governments are sounding an alarm. The UK government stated that the “timing of this action, so close to national elections, gives cause for concern,” while the United States said it “is deeply concerned by the impact of the executive branch’s decision to suspend and replace the Chief Justice and head of the judicial branch without the support of the legislative branch on the eve of national and state elections.” The belligerent reaction of the Buhari Government to these concerns raises even more concern.

The courts play a big role in our elections. In 1979, the Supreme Court single-handedly gave power to President Shehu Shagari in the famous "twelve-two-third" judgment. Easing out the head of the third branch of government days to the election, taken together with other events, creates a halo of uncertainty around the February 16 election in which there is really only one other strong opponent, Mr. Atiku Abubakar of the People's Democratic Party. 

In the same manner that judicial power appears to have been crushed so close to the election, the power of the Nigerian Police to enforce law and order appears to have been compromised. The Inspector General of Police was replaced one month to the election, with the added implication that several police officers senior to the new police chief must resign, according to tradition.

A third troubling development is the appointment of President Buhari’s relative, Amina Zakari, as the head of the election collation center by the Independent National Electoral Commission, without a care about the appearance of unfairness or cronyism. The collation center is where results of the presidential election will be announced and the President’s in-law will manage it.

Not only has the opposition been incensed by the appointments, other geopolitical groups are asking why most, if not all, of the replacements done in the wake of the elections has been in favor of someone from the President's ethnic group. By his own hands, President Buhari is fanning the flames of tension.

Statements from the administration are also raising the political temperature. Minister of Information, Mr. Lai Mohammed, has claimed without evidence that "the opposition (is going) to orchestrate widespread violence in the country, using insurgents and criminal elements within and outside the country. Their plan is to scuttle the election and then push for an interim government, having realized they can’t win a free, fair, credible and peaceful election."

Those statements are reminiscent of those by Babangida's spokesman, Comrade Uche Chukwumerije, in 1993. It will not be a stretch too far to reason that the Buhari camp is settling for a deadlock, during which it plans to use the police, the electoral body and the courts to suppress and declare victory.

If the reasoning has any percentage of probability, then the administration has become a danger to our democracy.

Nigerians everywhere must carefully watch these events, drop their robe of partisanship and rise to protect our democracy, should it become necessary. If the election ends up not being free and fair, violence may erupt and the outcome will be a lose-lose scenario for all. Buhari’s pedigree as one of the military generals who foiled democracy in the past must always be remembered.

Nigerians must not allow the relapse of June 12 under any circumstance. A peaceful transition of power leads to an enduring democracy.

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Ambode and Tinubu - The Noble and the Crook Featured

Ambode and Tinubu - The Noble and the Crook

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The fundamental question raised in the feisty political muscle-flexing between the Governor of Lagos, Akinwunmi Ambode, and the de facto political leader of Western Nigeria, Bola Tinubu, is where the allegiance of an elected office holder should reside. Here, we have a governor doing his job to the satisfaction of the electing public being blackmailed by a political powerbroker for refusing to prostrate to private pressure. The accusation against Ambode is that he is doing so well for the people to the dissatisfaction of his political party, but particularly, the political warlord, Tinubu, who has for two decades, been the sole dispenser of political and economic opportunities in Lagos and beyond.

It is incontrovertible to assert that there is no public office holder in Lagos State who does not owe his or her political fortune to Bola Tinubu. He is the Godfather, as in Mario Puzo's classic novel. He makes and unmakes, dignifies and disgraces, raises and lowers, upgrades and downgrades, anoints and condemns, gives and takes. Without his signature, political ambitions are stillborn.

Ambode is a product of this versatile pipeline laid by Tinubu. He was an unknown, who profited from the political schemes of Tinubu. My knowledge about how exactly Ambode became Tinubu's consigliere is limited, but he must have been a good soldier. Only a made man can become Tinubu's underboss. So, let no one weep for Ambode. He did not become a governor on his own merit. He was made a governor by political proclamation. The god of Lagos anointed him; what the god gives, the god takes back. He has become a cry baby by his own making, and he has only himself to blame. However, there is an opportunity for freedom through his travail.

Regardless of how he gained political power, Governor Ambode has served his people well. He may not have got to power in nobility but he has held himself well. He is transforming Lagos into a modern city and state. He's got administrative intelligence and vibe. The last time I was in Nigeria, I was bewildered by the free-flowing traffic from the Lagos-Ibadan toll gate, through Ojota and Maryland, to my destination. I saw new bus lanes, the disappearance of "Molues," the neat and tidy fleet of public transportation - changes that had seemed impossible. I heard that Ambode listens to advice, researches issues, and engineers solutions effectively. The driver of my rented car told me the story of how the Governor ended the reign of terror of the Vehicle Inspection Officers. I was glad to see real change.

These positive developmental changes may not be at any risk even if Ambode is not re-elected. Babajide Sanwo-Olu, the latest front from Tinubu's political fiefdom, seems to be highly qualified. That's not the point. The danger is that Tinubu puts democracy at a grave risk. The process through which Sanwo-Olu is being given the ladder of power makes the people's own power inconsequential. Even Sanwo-Olu has to be careful. Tinubu takes power from the people and arrogates all power to himself. The power to choose, the power to elect and the power to decide. For far too long, Bola Tinubu has decided for the people, to his own selfish advantage. He has become so powerful that the whole of Lagos State - its economy, its office holders, its political life and health - is handcuffed by one one . He has filled political office with those whose allegiance is only to him. It does not matter if they do well in power, no man should wield power over society the way Tinubu has. The fate of millions cannot be in the hands of one man or a few; this is not a feudal society. His strength and weakness cannot continue to be a burden to the people. A single point of failure is not what Lagos needs. Not anymore! Tinubu poses a risk that the people must now fight.

There is time for everything in life. It is a very good opportunity for the good citizens of Lagos State to reject political slavery that they have submitted themselves to, but may not have fully comprehended. This is also the time for Governor Ambode to make himself a name as a man who truly believes in the process of democracy, rather than some narrow political gains from which he has benefited. The picture he is paiting in public in trying to please Bola Tinubu makes him a political nobody. He should get up on his kneels and fight. He can contest the election and lose, with his conscience fully intact and his stature without blemish. Or, he can succumb and bow as a weakling - as someone who lacks principle and conviction - and a baby governor. He can leave a legacy of strength and character, or that of a bootlicker. He should do the former; not the latter.

And to Tinubu, the Godfather eventually loses. Whether it’s the real Al Capone, or the fictional Don Corleone, there is always a disgraceful end. It's time to let the good people of Lagos go. Using political power corruptly to fill public offices with loyalists, in perpetuity, is not what NADECO told us they would do, when we all fought to win this democratic opportunity after years of military politics. We fought for a true democracy, where power would reside with the people.  Once the people no longer have the means to exercise power over their own destiny, as demonstrated by Tinubu's style of party politics, democracy loses its strength and drifts aimlessly on the open sea.

Ultimately, Ambode should let the people decide his fate and not cowardly succumb to the blackmail of a lone kingmaker. He should contest, with or without the All Progressives Congress. Lagosians must rescue themselves and rescue Ambode as well by rejecting anyone anointed by Tinubu, no matter how qualified that person is, on principle. One man should not decide the fate of millions of people. It is an insult to the good people of Lagos that Tinubu manipulates their political choice through a network of political operatives he has held in his pocket. He is no wiser or better than any other Lagosian. In fact, there is nothing on his Curriculum Vitae that proves him to be more than an average citizen. A crook cannot be given the accolade of a noble.

I have been reminded by friends that as it is in Lagos, so has it been in Osun State under the power of the same warlord. I am well aware of that. The battle in Osun is almost over; but it is just starting in Lagos. Let all Nigerians, in Lagos and beyond, rise in support of Governor Ambode. If they save him, they will be building a barricade against political corruption and illegitimate power grab by the likes of Tinubu, who takes from the despicable playbooks of Busari Adelakun and Lamidi Adedibu.

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No Obligation Without Rights Featured

No Obligation Without Rights

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The call by Nigeria's Minister of Finance, Mrs. Kemi Adeosun, to an unrepresentative audience in Abuja that Nigerians in the Diaspora should send more money to boost the country's sagging economy is simply a head-scratcher. There is no explanation for the attempt by the Nigerian government to reap where it has not sown, from the group it neither serves nor care about. Nigerians in the Diaspora do not feel any love from successive governments, making the call nothing but the desperate nimble of saprophytic fungi. These "unknown Nigerians," who the government does not even have any record of, have little stake in the fantastically corrupt and looted economy. Expect no response, Minister, that looks different from this.

Nigerians abroad send money home only because most of them have no choice. They have parents, siblings, friends and acquaintances who they have to help; and projects that they hope one day will be useful. Most of them expect nothing from the country to help them retire without worries. Out of the sweat of their brow, they end up sending more than $20 billion to Nigeria every year, an amount that is now about to surpass the income from oil. Unknown Nigerians are about to become the breadwinners for a nation that lifts no finger when they suffer.


Nigeria's 2016 budget is based on an expected oil income of less than $22 billion, but remittances from Nigerians living abroad hit $20.77 billion in 2015, making Nigeria the sixth largest recipient of remittances in the world, according to the World Bank’s Migration and Remittances Factbook 2016. The report states that the top two sources for Nigerian diaspora remittances in 2015 were the United States ($5.7 billion) and the United Kingdom ($3.7 billion). 

Shouldn't being breadwinners come with some rights? Power is where the bread is. In homes, dads are treated with special care where they bring the bread home. When the mum is the breadwinner, the dad is never happy to give up power, but yields it most of the time. It is not the case with unknown Nigerians who, though spend the money, have no rights or recognition that goes with sponsorship.

Small-mind Minister Kemi really hurled an insult. It is true that politicians and public officials talk to Nigerians with all kinds of foolish logic, but expect little correction. Those who live abroad and know how civilized societies work, cannot let her say anything and get away with it. I call on those living abroad to send her the message that we are different and this is not acceptable. Nigerians abroad have no obligations without enjoying rights. There is no taxation without representation.

With all our financial muscle, we are not allowed to vote. Even Iraqis can vote abroad during their war. The Nigerian government ought to be ashamed that it is not one of the 115 civilized countries that allow citizens to vote when they are not within the country. 

Globalirish.ie states that of the 115 countries and territories that have systems in place to allow their emigrants to vote are:

  • 21 African nations
  • 13 North and South American countries
  • 15 Asian countries
  • 6 Pacific countries
  • 36 European countries.

And according to Wikipedia: "Some of the countries that allow their citizens abroad to vote include Italy, France, Australia, New Zealand, the US, Britain, the Philippines and Mexico." Even Nepal and Zimbabwe allow it, but not Nigeria.

Not only are we not allowed to vote, we have no voice in government. Overseas constituencies have become an essential part of democratic governance. Wikipedia states that "an overseas constituency or overseas electoral district is any electoral district located outside of a nation-state's borders but which is recognized by the state's government as a district for the representation of its expatriate (and, technically, military) residents who live within the territory of another nation-state. Such constituencies are often organized in order to engage expatriate or diaspora voters who retain their citizenship." Other than carrying Nigerian passports, what rights are there for the Diaspora?

It doesn't end there. Some countries such as France reserve legislative seats for citizens who live abroad. Algeria reserves eight of its 382 parliamentary seats for expatriates, many of whom reside in France. A single seat in the Chamber of Representatives is reserved for Colombians abroad. Italy has four overseas constituencies, each with three representatives. Seven representatives are elected by the Dominican diaspora: two to represent Dominicans living in the Caribbean and Latin America, two for Europe, and three for Canada and the United States. Portugal's Assembly of the Republic seats two reserved seats for expatriates, one for Portuguese expatriates in Europe and the other for expatriates elsewhere outside of Portugal. Eighteen of the 217 members of the Constituent Assembly of Tunisia represent Tunisians abroad. In Nigeria, you either come home to vote or be voted - or you are not a Nigerian.

Even the unannounced 2016 Diaspora Conference where the Finance Minister spoke in Abuja was organized without the involvement of the real Diaspora. I saw no discussion about it, no advertisement and no invitation - and I consume the media. I do not know of any Diaspora man or woman in London, Chicago or Brussels who was invited to the staged conference. As they usually do, all they did was gather some friends and families abroad, pay them for a summer vacation to Nigeria, invite journalists, stage events and distribute brown envelopes to the gentlemen of the press. Those events have no  meaning to Nigerians in the Diaspora. That is why we are unknown Nigerians. We are known to ourselves and families, but are not known to the Nigerian government.

The recognition of Nigerians in the Diaspora only when something is needed from them must stop. If a Nigerian were to be mauled on the street of New York or Vienna today, the Nigerian embassy will play no role to investigate and assist. If you live abroad, you are on your own. Whether you live or die, you are on your own. Except you carry two passports, the green one is only useful at the Murtala Mohammed Airport. Nigeria is cold to her citizens who live abroad. It doesn't care for them, it doesn't reach for them, it doesn't protect them.

Why should they care? They care not for the nation, but for the family ties that are still strong, which small-mind Kemi cannot break with her uninformed insult.

 

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An Inescapable Mess Featured

An Inescapable Mess

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Let me tell this story about a prodigal who inherited a wide expanse of land, along with his large and acrimonious family, who lacked the discipline to invest wisely the proceeds from its sale.

While realizing that the inheritance was not through anything but mere luck and good fortune, this man sold portions of the land year after year and made a lot of money through it. With his large family, he enjoyed life to the fullest. He threw extravagant parties, bought expensive cars, married wives and nurtured girlfriends, wore exquisite jewelry and earned a respectable place among the socialites. Musicians sang his praises at parties and in songs released. Life was good. This man was "omo jayejaye."

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Nigeria's Electoral Blindfold Featured

Nigeria's Electoral Blindfold

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Nigerians troop to the polls (if allowed) before the end of this month, with a blindfold, knowing very little about what any of the politicians can do to ease the difficulties that were created by the same politicians. Politicians give very little information about their political programs in this part of the world, because they have a gullible and undemanding citizenry.

Since the 2015 elections campaign started, curiously just three months before the election, the two main presidential contenders, the incumbent President Goodluck "What a Name" Jonathan and former military dictator, General Mohammadu Buhari, have been locked in a war of words, leaving Nigerians to take sides on issues that have little substance on governance.

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Voting Rights for Nigerians Abroad Featured

Voting Rights for Nigerians Abroad

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Those in government have been turning deliberate deaf ears to the growing demand by Nigerian citizens abroad for their right to vote in our general elections. The electoral law grants full voting rights to all law-abiding Nigerians over the age of 18, but it is totally blind to how Nigerians resident in other countries cannot exercise this right. The constitution, as it was handed down by the military, probably disqualifies about five million persons from exercising their citizenship right just for the fact that they live abroad.

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Raging Political Tsunami

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Not since the dark days of the Abacha regime have I nursed this sinking feeling about Nigeria.

I am apprehensive our deformed-from-birth democratic baby is about to pass out. The made-up resignation of the People's Democratic Party Chairman, Mr. Audu Ogbeh, is a cause for concern. And without doubt, it should be the mind-boggling issue for every Biafra-Nigerian. It is a sure sign of a raging political storm just about to appear from the horizon. It no longer looks impossible that we as a nation can fall into the hands of a tyrant, only this time in Agbada.

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The Nigerian Story

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In the 2006 Nation's Cup BBC preview, an article so beautifully described Nigeria in few words. It stated that only Nigeria can defeat itself. A few days later, a Sierra Leonian friend of mine asked what that statement meant. And I explained to him the the Nigerian story. Just what is the Nigerian story? It is a story of a nation with unbelievable abilities, a nation blessed, a nation strategically positioned to lead which, however, is stuck in its own puddle that it can't take the next step until it frees itself.
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When Is Our Revolution?

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If you are old enough to have lived in the Nigeria that worked, you have to be angry at the jungle it has become. I have seen Nigeria in its glory, and I am furiously expecting change. It is hardly contentious to state that the country was better at serving its people 30 years and more ago than the sad spectacle it has become today.

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